Showing posts with label Anglo-Saxons. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Anglo-Saxons. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 26, 2016

Defining 'Nobility' in Later Anglo-Saxon England

By Annie Whitehead

The word ‘nobility’ is a vague term; no society in history could be described as having an upper social tier whose members were all of equal wealth and statues. The Anglo-Saxon aristocracy certainly had more than one stratum, and any detailed study of these men must entail a definition of these different levels.

In the eighth-century, Bede wrote of a group of men called ‘comites’, the Anglo-Saxon translation of which is ‘gesiths'. In origin, a gesith was an honourable companion, usually of the king. Most often he would be of noble birth, and he would be either a retainer or the holder of an estate. By the tenth-century, the word was no longer used to describe a personal retainer. HR Loyn [1] suggests that by this time the gesith may well have been a retired retainer settled on his estate. He suggests further that the pattern in the tenth-century may have been as follows:

seal of Godwin the thegn - 11thc
"The retainer at court was termed ‘thegn’. If he was promoted , he became an ealdorman, and when he retired he became a ‘gesith’."

Whatever the truth of the matter, it is clear that by the tenth-century the thegns were subordinate to the king's thegns and to the ealdormen, and that the gesith was no longer engaged in active service for the king.

One distinction between the gesith and the thegn was that of age; the thegn was a young man, the gesith more mature. Initially the thegn was not a powerful man, the term sometimes merely denoting a servant, albeit one who was free. By the tenth-century, however, ‘thegn’ had taken on a more specialised meaning. The law codes of the period show us something of how the thegns had become more important as servants of the king. They were given the responsibility of helping the king to ensure that the church was observing its rules:

"And I and my thegns shall compel our priests to that which the pastors of our souls direct us (clerical celibacy)." [2]

It is also clear that the thegns now had their own class, with a recognisable rank:

“And my thegns are to have their dignity in my time as they had in my father’s.” [3]

Anglo-Saxon society was not a static one. Thegnship had developed as a class of its own, but this did not mean that one had to be born into that class to belong to it.

“And if a ceorl prospered, that he possessed fully five hides of land of his own, a bell and a castle-gate, a seat and a special office in the king’s hall, then was he henceforth entitled to the rights of a thegn.” [4]

It is doubtful how many achieved this, but the opportunity was at least there in theory.

Thegns were graded according to their relationship with the king. The king's thegns would recognise no other lord than the king [5] and might themselves be lords to other thegns. The lesser thegns would have a lord other than the king. Their heriot (see below) would go to their lord, not the king.

From among his thegns the king appointed ealdormen. These men were the king’s representatives in the localities. The main ealdordoms were Northumbria [6], East Anglia, Mercia and Wessex. The office was not strictly hereditary, although many ealdormen succeeded their fathers. In the king’s lands his presence was felt through his reeves, but increasingly the king’s reeves were used as a check against the ealdormen. A grant of King Aethelred II’s shows that an ealdorman had no authority to deal with a breach of law by a king’s reeve, and had to appeal directly to the king. [7]

Aethelred II (Unraed - 'Unready')

The Witan was the high council, and its members were powerful wealthy thegns, and bishops and abbots. The bishops were powerful men, usually from noble families themselves. The witness lists to royal charters show a strict order of seniority. The king signs first, followed by the archbishops, bishops and abbots. The ealdormen sign next, followed by the king’s thegns. Among the ealdormen, there was also a strict order; the most influential of the moment signed above the others. Usually the order changed following the death of an ealdorman, but it was possible for some to gain prominence without such an event. Eadric Streona, Ealdorman of Mercia in the reign of Aethelred II, headed the lists in the lifetime of men who had at one time been his seniors.

charter showing the witness list

The heriot (war-gear), as defined in II Cnut [8] also demonstrated seniority of rank: among the earl’s heriot is the requirement "eight horses, four saddled and four unsaddled.” The requirement of the king’s thegn is "four horses, two saddled and two unsaddled.” Of the lesser thegn the corresponding requirement is for "a horse and its trappings."

The law of the North People, and the Law of the Mercians [9] show the position of the nobility in relation to lesser men. The Law of the North People sets out the wergild* thus:

  • The wergild of the archbishop and the atheling is 15,000 thrymsas
  • That of a bishop and an ealdorman 8,000 thrymsas
  • That of a king’s high-reeve 4,000 thrymsas
  • That of a mass-thegn and a secular thegn 2,000 thrymsas
  • A ceorl’s (churl) wergild is 266 thrymsas

(* wergild was essentially the price, or worth, of a man's life; a payment due to the family by the person who killed him)

In the Law of the Mercians a ceorl's wergild is 200 shillings, and a thegn’s wergild is "six times as much." So between the thegn and the atheling, the wergild is doubled each time. In contrast, the thegn’s wergild is six times that of a ceorl. Despite the professed opportunity for social mobility, the Anglo-Saxon aristocracy was clearly set apart from the rest of society by a substantial distance.

Cnut

As well as possessing considerable rights over his lands and his vassals, a lord had a duty to safe-guard his men. The terms of the fealty oath are vague, but there is other evidence which describes more fully the nature of the personal bond between a man and his lord. In the reign of Edward the elder (899-924), a letter was written to the king describing the history of an estate at Fonthill, Wiltshire. [10] It describes how a thief, Helmstan, was required to give an oath to clear himself of the charges brought against him. He asked his lord Ordlaf to intercede for him, which Ordlaf did, even though his man was guilty. Although this practice was forbidden [11] there are many other illustrations in the law codes of the lord’s obligations to his man.

A tenant who did not pay his rent could expect his lord to be lenient and exact no penalty. [12] If an accused man ran away, his lord had the responsibility of paying the man's wergild to the king. [13] Any master who forced his slave to work on a feast day forfeited the slave and paid a fine. [14] An accused man could expect his lord to stand surety for him, and if the man ran away from the ordeal it was the lord who had to pay his wergild. [15]

The betrayal of a lord was beyond compensation, according to the laws of Cnut. [16] The personal bond was a two-way responsibility, and the man must be seen to honour his obligations to his lord. The Battle of Maldon shows how seriously this responsibility was taken. Eadric resolves to serve his lord in battle and "now that the time had come to fight, before his lord he duly kept his vow (hold-oath)." When Byrhtnoth is killed, his men have a duty to avenge his death. Traditionally this means that they have to kill the whole of the Viking army to ensure that they kill the actual soldier by whose hands Byrhtnoth has been slain:

“They all intended one of two results,
To love their lives or to avenge their dear one.”

In this stratified society, every man had a duty to protect the men in his care, and to serve the man who protected him. At the top level, the king of course served no-one, and had only the responsibility of protecting his people. At the lowest levels of society the obligation would be only service. The aristocracy had two duties: they served the king (and their lord if they had one) and in return they were rewarded. They had their own men who served them as lord, and in return they offered their man protection, especially under the law.



[1] Gesiths and Thegns in Anglo-Saxon England from the Seventh to the Tenth century - HR Loyn
[2] IV Edgar 1.8.
[3] IV Edgar 2.a.
[4] EHD (English Historical Documents) Vol 1 52 - A Compilation on Status (1002-1023)
[5] "And no-one is to have any jurisdiction over a king's thegn except the king himself." III Aethelred 11
[6] Because of the Scandinavian influence in the north, the ealdormen in Northumbria were termed 'Eorl'
[7] EHD 117 page 525
[8] EHD 50 page 419
[9] EHD 52 - A Compilation on Status
[10] EHD 102 page 501
[11] II Cnut 20.1 "Many an over-bearing man will, if he can and may, defend his man which ever way it seems to him that he can defend him more easily ... but we will not allow that abuse."
[12] II&III Edgar 1.1.
[13] II Cnut 31.1.
[14] II Cnut 45.3.
[15] III Aethelred 4. & 6.2.
[16] II Cnut 64.

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Annie Whitehead is a history graduate and member of the Royal Historical Society. Her first novel, To Be A Queen, is the story of Aethelflaed, daughter of Alfred the Great, who came to be known as the Lady of the Mercians. It was long-listed for the Historical Novel Society’s Indie Book of the Year 2016. Her new release, Alvar the Kingmaker, which tells the story of Aelfhere of Mercia, a nobleman in the time of King Edgar, is available now, and is the story of one man’s battle to keep the monarchy strong and the country at peace, when successive kings die young.
Find her on her author page HERE

Buy Alvar the Kingmaker
Buy To Be A Queen

Thursday, January 14, 2016

Anglo Saxons Treasures at Lichfield Cathedral

By Richard Denning

One of the perhaps lesser known cathedrals in England is the one at Lichfield. Nowadays Lichfield is an attractive but small city dwarfed by the nearby West Midlands conurbation of Birmingham-Coventry-Wolverhampton-Black Country. Yet in the early to mid Saxon period it was one of the more important cities.  Indeed it was the see of the Bishop of Mercia which at one time was a powerful kingdom that stretched from Wales to the North Sea. At the peak of its power under the 8th century King Offa, Lichfield was even briefly the seat of an Archbishop. Offa was so powerful that he was able to persuade the Pope to create an Archbishopric in Lichfield who would hold sway over the midlands. On Offa's death the position was annulled but Lichfield maintained its position as an important Cathedral for many centuries.

 

The Cathedral is dedicated to St Chad and St Mary. Although there had been missionary work going on in Mercia previously the kings of Mercia had been pagan. In 669 one of the first Christian kings of Mercia, Wulfere,  requested a bishop and Chad was sent to take up the post. He established his see at Lichfield possibly because land had been donated for the establishment of a monastery there and it was close to the Mercian capital at Tamworth. The modern structure is the third Cathedral to stand on this site. The first - Saxon - building was built around AD 700 and was built of wood. It survived almost 4 centuries before - in  1085 - it was replaced by a Norman cathedral made from stone. That second structure did not last that long being in turn replaced by the present cathedral from 1195 onwards.

 

 The front (west side) of the cathedral has a magnificent collection of statues that themselves are worthy of note. This facing was renovated in Victorian times and portrays an amazing array of Kings and Queens. These include the Norman and subsequent monarchs right across the front. What I love about this building is the Saxon era is not ignored. The archways over the side doors (not the central one) contain statues of the important kings of first Northumbria (who held sway over much of Mercia) and later Mercia. So we can see little effigies of Aethelfrith, Edwin, Oswald, Oswy, Penda, Wulfere and others. We also have statues of the churchmen who had an impact on the early and later Saxon Era - Pope Gregory, Augustine, Paulinius, Chad and so on.


 

 The octagonal shaped Chapter House, which was completed in 1249 is possibly the most beautiful part of the Cathedral. It houses a permanent  exhibition of the cathedral's greatest treasures: the Lichfield Gospels,  parts of the Staffordshire hoard and the Lichfield Angel.



The Lichfield or St Chad's Gospels. The Lichfield Gospel or bible is one of the oldest in Britain. It was created in the early 8th century and perhaps dates to around 730 - slightly younger than the Lindisfarne Gospels with which it shares similarities in style.  It consists of the gospels of Matthew and Mark and the start of Luke. It used to also contain the rest of Luke and John but at some stage in the 17th century that part was lost. This was probably during the Civil War period. It is still used in services twice a year - making it the oldest bible used in services in the UK. On the day I visited it was open to the story of the wise men. I can't read Latin but the curator pointed out to me the verse speaking of the gifts. The clarity of the letters is extraordinary. The Gospels also contain marginal notes in Old Welsh. These notes represent the oldest surviving Welsh Words anywhere. It is believed the bible was actually made in Wales and came to Lichfield early in its life.


  
The Lichfield Angel

 

In February 2003 work was being done on the nave of the Cathedral. As the builders worked they came across an eighth century sculpted panel of the Archangel Gabriel. It was thought  to be part of a stone chest, which contained the relics of St Chad.  Red pigment found on the angel was dated to the 8th century. It is now exhibited in the cathedral.

The Staffordshire Hoard
Hammerwhich in Staffordshire, where the Staffordshire Hoard was found, is just a few miles from Lichfield.  There in 2009 the greatest collection of metal and gold artefacts from the 7th or 8th centuries was found. Over 3500 objects comprise the findings - some of remarkable quality. The Hoard is housed in a number of locations. A small amount is kept at Lichfield.



 I can recommend a visit to Lichfield Cathedral . The actual building is surrounded by a very attractive Cathedral Close which houses several Tea shops. It is only  yards from the small but pleasant city centre which also hosts the Dr Johnstone Birthplace Museum and the Erasmus Darwin museum.

 

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Richard Denning is a historical fiction author whose main period of interest is the Early Anglo-Saxon Era. His Northern Crown series explores the late 6th and early 7th centuries through the eyes of a young Saxon lord.
Explore the darkest years of the dark ages with Cerdic.

www.richarddenning.co.uk

Amazon


Wednesday, September 2, 2015

Tolkien, the Battle of Finnsburg and Hengest

by Richard Denning

Battle of Finnsburg c445 A.D


Tolkien the Scholar




The Hobbit and The Lords of the Rings have quite rightly made Tolkien famous as the creator of Middle Earth. Indeed, to many those books far exceed his achievements as a Scholar.

Yet of course Tolkien was in fact a Professor of Anglo-Saxon Studies at Oxford for many years, and in that time he contributed extensively to the study of the period before and after the Anglo-Saxon (the English) race migrated across the North Sea to create a land that would one day be called England.

He would often lecture on the Battle of Finnsburg and pieces of epic poetry which are called The Fragment and the Episode. His argument was that these stories were not fiction but related to actual historical events: a real battle somewhere in what is now Holland, one of whose participants was Hengest, who, legend has it, led the first Anglo-Saxons across the sea to Kent.

Battle of Finnsburg: Background



The Battle of Finnsburgh may have taken place in the court of Finn—one of the Kings of the Frisians (a tribe that lived in what is now Holland).

Finn had a body of Jutes in exile in his land and serving him.  The battle happened when the Jutes blood enemies, the Danes, arrived.

Jutes - A Tribe from Jutland, North Denmark. One of the 3 main Anglo-Saxon Tribes that would migrate to Britain.

Danes - invaders who maybe conquered Jutland sending some into exile, creating the basis for a blood feud.

The theory Tolkien put forward was that Finn, King of the Frisians had married Hildburh the sister of Hnaef, a Danish Prince and son of Hoc the Danish King.

Hnaef went to visit his sister in Frisia and was invited to sleep in the main hall. One of Hnaef’s chief followers was an Angle (another Anglo-Saxon tribe originally from Denmark) called Hengest.

Finn had by then employed some exiled Jutes as warriors. The Jutes hated the Danes who had conquered their land.

The Jutes attacked the Danes in the hall and after a long siege broke in and killed Hnaef. Finn was obliged to back up the Jutes, but most of his warriors died.

Hengest agreed to a truce with Finn but was eventually reminded of his oath to avenge Hnaef’s death and renewed the fighting, killing Finn and destroying Finnsburgh, then taking Hnaef's sister home to her people.

Soon after this Hengest and his brother Horsa were invited into Britain as mercenaries—according to legend, the first of the English. Did this battle win him fame or notoriety and so lead to the invitation to go to Kent?

Battle of Finnsburg: The Evidence


Evidence for the Battle of Finnsburg come primarily from two pieces of Anglo-Saxon text called The Fragment and The Episode

The Fragment


This is a short, 50 line long section of epic poetry that was discovered in 1705 in  Lambeth Palace.  It starts abruptly in the middle of the action and ends also abruptly.  Yet it gives us a description of a conflict that has already burst into bloodshed.

The fragment  describes a young prince called Hnæf who along with around sixty of his men is besieged within a great hall. It goes on to name some of the participants and some of the actions in  the ensuing battle including talking about one of the attackers who is killed.  It specifically mentions that the attacker is from Frisia.

The Episode


The greatest and also one of the earliest of the epic poems in Old English is of course Beowulf which tells the story of a legendary hero who fights the monster Grendel and his mother as well as a dragon.

At one point in the epic a bard, scop or court poet  relates the tales of the Battle of Finnsburg. The language use implies that the listener would already know something of the battle—meaning that to a 7th or 8th century audience the battle was familiar.

The scop's story  starts with Hildeburh, daughter of the Danish King Hoc and brother to Hnaef lamenting the loss of her brother and her son through Finn, King of the Frisians who was also killed in the fighting.

The picture given is that of a battle between Danes on one side and Jutes and Frisians on the other and where there are heavy losses on both sides. It is this tale from which we hear of the peace deal struck between Hengest (left in charge of the Danes after Hnaef is killed) and Finn. Later a warrior places a sword on Hengest’s lap. The sword may have been that upon which Hengest swore fealty to Hnaef. The implication was that Hengetst was duty bound to renew the fighting to avenge Hnaef.

In the ensuing fighting Finn and his entire remaining force are destroyed in what is called the Frisian slaughter. After this the Danes return home led by Hengest

The same man?


Tolkien and other scholars have speculated that Hengest of the Battle of Finnsburg is the same as the Hengest who led his men across the sea to Kent, the first of all the Anglo Saxons (according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle entry below).

A.D. 449. This year ...Hengest and Horsa, invited by Vortigern, King of the Britons to his assistance, landed in Britain in a place that is called Ipwinesfleet, first of all to support the Britons, but they afterwards fought against them. …. They then sent to the Angles and desired them to send more assistance. They described the worthlessness of the Britons and the richness of the land.  (Anglo –Saxon Chronicle)


For most people these poems are obscure references to legendary times, but to Tolkien and other scholars The Fragment and the Episode are part of the earliest history of England, relating to the background of one of the founders of the earliest English Kingdom, Kent.

Many scholars will say that we have little evidence of Hengest and Horsa and really cant be sure of any of this, but in the accounts of the battle of Finnsburg I believe you see part of what led Hengest to go to England. Did he make his name in this fight? Did he make enemies to avoid? Did he loose face at the Danish court and choose to gamble all on an adventure across the sea?

The Fragments and the Episode tease and suggest answers but don't quite tell enough. But we can have fun speculating.

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Richard Denning is a historical fiction author whose main period of interest is the Early Anglo-Saxon Era. His Northern Crown series explores the late 6th and early 7th centuries through the eyes of a young Saxon lord.

Explore the darkest years of the dark ages with Cerdic.

www.richarddenning.co.uk

Amazon


Saturday, July 4, 2015

Just how dirty were the Anglo-Saxons?

by Richard Denning

We tend to think that the majority of the people that came before us were dirty and smelly - maybe with the exception of the Romans and their bath houses. Was this true of the Anglo-Saxons? What evidence is there of their bathroom habits? One item which has been found in many burial sites from the pagan era (roughly 5th to 8th centuries) are sets of usually bronze or sometimes bone consisting of usually three items. There were tweezers for cutting nails or removing unwanted hairs, little spoons for scooping wax from your ears and picks for removing dirt from behind the finger nails.


So they seemed to bother about their nails. They also took care of their hair. Many combs have been found in graves and these are usually made from bone, antler or horn.


What about bathing and washing? Well it seems that the Saxons were not regular practitioners of whole body immersion. Even so they would bath a few times a year and particularly when they got married. They would also use baths as a medicinal method. This is shown by recipes in Bald's Leechbook (a  collection of Anglo-Saxon cures). For example, Oakbark was used in baths to ease aching thighs. He also refers to the herb Lion's foot, baths of which can help a "bewitched" patient. Whilst whole body bathing was less commonly done, washing of the hands and feet was done daily, and usually they would wash hands before a meal. Indeed, the washing of hands at the start of a feast was, it seems, part of the ceremony. The Sutton Hoo burial included, suspended in chains, a fine bowl in which all guests would be invited to wash their hands before eating - a sensible precaution given the fact that you were often eating with your hands and taking food from common bowls and plates.


Even though the Anglo-Saxons might not bathe often, they were familiar with a huge range of plants and herbs - like Rosemary and Lavender which have strong aromas and could be used when washing one's hair, clothes or hands or just around the house to fragrance it. In conclusion, they may not have been as clean and well groomed as modern tastes may prefer, but I am sure they would not have stunk to the extent we might expect.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Richard Denning is a historical fiction author whose main period of interest is the Early Anglo-Saxon Era. His Northern Crown series explores the late 6th and early 7th centuries through the eyes of a young Saxon lord.

Explore the darkest years of the dark ages with Cerdic.

www.richarddenning.co.uk                                                                                      Amazon