THE COLD TRUTH OF WINTER 1482

THE COLD TRUTH OF WINTER 1482

Jane Austen is revered for the characters she created, for her wit, and for how she fuses an acerbic, unblinking view of human nature with deep stores of empathy. I believe that, among her arsenal of gifts, also lies a talent for writing "place." Austen mixed descriptions of her most iconic creations—Pemberley, Mansfield Park, Kellynch Hall—with those of "real" places she visited and knew well, from London's West End to Lyme Regis to Bath.
When it comes to Northanger Abbey, that talent is on full display. As in Persuasion, Austen brings Bath vividly to life. She also creates an imposing country house in Northanger Abbey, the manor house of the Tilney family located in Gloucestershire.
When reading the novel closely — and writing my sequel, The Heiress of Northanger Abbey — I admired the evocative, if not precise, description of Northanger Abbey, a product of Austen's imagination. The novel tells us it was once an abbey for nuns. Based on the usual trajectory, we can assume that, after Henry VIII's Dissolution of the Monasteries, the abbey was closed to religious life. Maybe the nuns received adequate pensions, or perhaps they starved. But as for the building itself, it's logical to think it was sold to a courtier friendly to King Henry or Thomas Cromwell.
In Austen's novel, the Tilney family did not enter into it until much later, perhaps two centuries later. In the early18th century, a Tilney purchased the manor house and modernized it: Northanger Abbey was a massive quadrangle that retains its Gothic arches and heavy stone walls. But in the story, General Tilney, the family patriarch, is proud of the "modern" kitchen he installed. The house also features smooth parquet floors, modern sash windows, elegant carpets, and "Rumford" fireplaces, invented in the 1790s. The house has a modern "bell system," General Tilney's pride and joy.
So we know that Northanger Abbey has been made comfortable and stylish in line with Regency ideals.
What a disappointment for Catherine Morland, the novel's heroine! She was thrilled to receive an invitation to Northanger Abbey, not only because it's the home of Henry Tilney, whom she is falling in love with, but because abbeys are supposed to be spooky ruins, filled with dark, dusty corridors, secret passageways, and cobwebs. This belief supposedly stems from Catherine's passion for Gothic literature.
I'd like to pause here and say that Catherine Morland is not the only one who lets her Gothic imagination run away with her. Here are four different book covers of Northanger Abbey, two of which seem to be fairly accurate renditions of the house in the novel; one is more like Dracula's castle, hanging off a cliff; and one is such a fragile ruin that nobody could spend the night there, much less live there!
But to the point of this column, I was curious about why Catherine is so convinced that Northanger Abbey will be a shabby ruin and a place filled with frightening and dangerous possibilities. The other characters attribute it to her fixation on Gothic novels. When Jane Austen wrote this novel, Sir Horace Walpole's The Castle of Otranto and Ann Radcliffe's The Mysteries of Udolpho were popular, along with many imitators. But in those books, the castles are in Europe, and the stories are from the past. Catherine is seventeen and naive, but would she really expect Northanger Abbey to resemble an Italian castle from centuries ago, as described in a clearly fictional tale?
I wondered whether this belief was more common in the 1790s, when Northanger Abbey was written, than we might assume. Did people in the Regency have ideas similar to Catherine Morland's about English castle ruins and former abbeys as repositories of fear and violence, independent of fashionable Gothic fiction?
I believe the answer is yes, and one such place that may have inspired the darker possibilities of an old castle or abbey is Farleigh Hungerford Castle.
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| Eastern gatehouse of Farleigh Hungerford Castle. Source: Wikipedia. |
"Here I have been for three or four years past, without comfort of any creature, and under custody of my lord's chaplain, which hath once or twice poisoned me, as he will not deny under examination. He hath promised my lord that he 'would soon rid him of me,' and I am sure he intendeth to keep his promise."(In case you're wondering, Elizabeth Hungerford survived her husband and remarried.)
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| A watercolor sketch of the castle from the early 18th century |
"The remains of this castle stand in one of the most rural and picturesque spots within a wide radius of Bath... [The site] displays a scene of fallen grandeur, where overgrown towers and ivy-bound walls awaken the mingled sentiments of pleasure and melancholy."
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| The Lady Tower, where Elizabeth Hungerford was allegedly kept prisoner |
by Toni Mount
When you think about the printing press, you might picture Gutenberg, or maybe the rise of books in the Renaissance. But did you know that the story of printing in England has its own legendary figure? Meet William Caxton, the fellow who introduced the printing press to England and helped make books more accessible for everyone.
Who was William Caxton?
William Caxton was born
around 1422 in Kent, England, in an area known as the Weald. The Weald was a
vast area of forest, scrub and pasture with few settlements and no towns. The
main occupations were iron mining and smelting, the production of charcoal and
animal husbandry, especially rearing pigs which could forage in the woods.
According to Caxton, he
and the locals spoke English which was ‘broad and rude’ and hardly understood
by outsiders. Although Caxton never tells us about his parents, there must have
been money enough to pay for schooling and to afford to buy young William an
apprenticeship with a wealthy London mercer, Robert Large, by 1438. For his son
to serve an apprenticeship with Large – Lord Mayor of London in 1439-40 – William’s
father must have had impressive connections in the city and, although there is
no certainty, Stevyn Causton (a variant spelling of Caxton) seems a probable
contender. Stevyn was a contemporary of and fellow mercer with Large. It was
common practice for mercers to take on the sons of their fellows as apprentices
and if Stevyn was prosperous and successful, he would probably have owned a
town house in London and possibly a country retreat in Kent. Was that how
William came to be born in rustic Kent and maybe spent his early years there,
learning his English from a local woman who served as his wet nurse? This would
fit the few facts that we know but is unlikely ever to be confirmed beyond
doubt.
In 1441, Robert Large
died, leaving his wife, Joanna, to continue the business and train the
apprentices, including Caxton. In his will, Large made numerous sizable
bequests which included leaving considerable sums to each of his eight
apprentices. Caxton, as one of the two youngest trainees received a very
generous 20 marks. Around the time of his master’s death, perhaps under
instruction from the widowed Joanna, Caxton appears to have been working in
Bruges, in Flanders (modern day Belgium) but quite what he was doing there is
unclear. It isn’t certain if he’d completed his apprenticeship or not but he
would spend perhaps three decades there, in the Low Countries (now the
Netherlands), with occasional visits back to London.
How did Caxton become a printer?
Mercers did not only
trade in cloth and textiles – known as ‘mercery’. They bought and sold other high
status goods and, like his master, Robert Large before him, there is evidence
that Caxton was building up a market for illuminated manuscripts for which
Bruges was a famous centre of production. King Henry VI of England and other
noblemen bought many Bruges books, the king’s uncle, Humphrey, Duke of
Gloucester, in particular, created a considerable library for the time so there
was no shortage of wealthy English customers to buy the exquisite books, each
one unique.
But these hand-written
and illustrated books took a great many man-hours to create a single volume
and, at the time, the printing revolution was already underway in Europe, enabling
books to be produced faster than ever before. It was most likely during the
eighteen months Caxton spent in Cologne, Germany, from July 1471 to the end of
1472, that he became familiar with the process of printing. Cologne was
particularly welcoming to English merchants and was rapidly becoming a major
centre of printing whereas England was lagging behind with this new technology.
Why is Caxton important?
After seeing the power of
the press firsthand and studying the methods of using it, Caxton decided to introduce
this revolutionary new contraption back home and, in 1476, he set up his own
printing press in London at the Sign of the Red Pale at the Almonry in
Westminster Abbey. This was handy for the king, Edward IV, the nobility at
court and anyone involved in parliamentary procedure or the law courts.
Caxton’s biggest
achievement was making books more affordable and more widely available, opening
up literacy and learning to more people in England. One of his first printed
books was The Canterbury Tales by
Geoffrey Chaucer, a classic of English literature but he didn’t only print
books –he translated them from Latin, French and Dutch into English, helping to
shape the English language as he did so. He printed works in what we now call ‘Middle
English’ and the choices he made in spelling and grammar influenced the way
English would evolve. As an example, in a preface to one of his printed
editions in 1490, Caxton tells the reader a story to demonstrate some of the
difficulties he had in trying to create a version of English that was common to
all:
In my days [it] happened that certain merchants were in a
ship in Thames, for to have sailed over the sea into Zealand [in the
Netherlands] and for lack of wind they
tarried at Foreland [in Kent] and
went to land for to refresh them. And one of them named Sheffelde, a mercer,
came into an house and asked for meat and especially he asked for eggs and the good wife answered that she could
speak no French. And the merchant was angry for he also could speak no French
but would have had eggs and she understood him not. And then at last another
said that he would have eyren, then
the good wife said that she understood him well.
Lo, asks
Caxton, what should a man in these days
now write, eggs or eyren ? Certainly it is hard to please every man by
cause of diversity and change of language.
Caxton’s Legacy
Caxton was a true pioneer
in the world of publishing. He worked hard to create a system for translating
and printing English texts and his work helped standardise the language at a
time when there were no set rules for spelling or grammar. That’s a big deal
when you think about how our language has evolved into what we use today!
Plus, Caxton didn’t just
print literature. He printed books on a wide range of topics – history,
religion, philosophy and instructional books. This means that Caxton’s press
helped spread knowledge and ideas to a much wider audience than ever before.
His first printed book in England was The
Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye, a translation from a French work and
Caxton was so proud of it that he wrote a little preface about how he learned
the craft of printing. Such personal touches in his books tell us more about everyday
life at the time and bring history alive rather than simply being works of
literature.
By introducing the
printing press to England, William Caxton helped set the stage for the spread
of literacy, education and new ideas. And who can say, without Caxton’s work,
maybe our world of books and publishing would look very different – and sparse
– today, missing so many great stories.
The Colour of Darkness
In my new novel, The Colour of Darkness, the hero, Seb
Foxley encounters William Caxton. Midsummer in medieval London is a joyous
festivity but, for some, there is nothing to celebrate when Death stalks the
city’s sweltering streets. As livelihoods are brought to ruin and trust withers
in the heat, artist-cum-sleuth, Sebastian Foxley, finds trouble has come to his
own doorstep. Plague rears its hideous head; fire, theft and murder imperil the
citizens.
A beautiful young woman
enchants the men of London and the mob shrieks that witchcraft is to blame when
waxen dolls, spiked with pins, are discovered. With such horrors in his
possession and discovering that guilt lies too close at hand, can Seb unravel the
mysteries and save those he loves before it’s too late?
Join Seb Foxley in this
intriguing and danger-riddled new adventure The Colour of Darkness
Midsummer in medieval
London is a joyous festivity but, for some, there is nothing to celebrate when
Death stalks the city’s sweltering streets. As livelihoods are brought to ruin
and trust withers in the heat, artist-cum-sleuth, Sebastian Foxley, finds trouble
has come to his own doorstep. Plague rears its hideous head; fire, theft and
murder imperil the citizens.
A beautiful young woman
enchants the men of London and the mob shrieks that witchcraft is to blame when
waxen dolls, spiked with pins, are discovered. With such horrors in his
possession and discovering that guilt lies too close at hand, can Seb unravel the
mysteries and save those he loves before it’s too late?
Join Seb Foxley in this intriguing and danger-riddled new adventure, The Colour of Darkness, published by MadeGlobal and out now.
Toni Mount is a best-selling author of both medieval fiction and non-fiction, with over 30 published titles. Her book Everyday Lives in Medieval London was named ‘Best History Book’ by Goodreads and became an Amazon bestseller. Her internationally popular Sebastian Foxley medieval murder mystery series has earned over 15 million page reads on Kindle Unlimited.
A historian and experienced educator, Toni holds a Master’s degree from the University of Kent, a first-class BA with Honours, and diplomas in European Humanities, English Literature and Creative Writing from the Open University, as well as a PGCE from the University of Greenwich. She is a member of the Richard III Society's Research Committee and contributes regularly to history magazines and blogs.
Toni also teaches history and offers a range of unique online courses at MedievalCourses.com. She lives in Kent with her husband Glenn and has two grown-up sons.
tonimount.com
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| Portrait of Bonnie Prince Charlie, painted by Allan Ramsey in 1745. Source: Wikipedia |
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| Exeter House in Derby, where the prince and his men plotted strategy. Picture taken in 1853. Source: Wikipedia. |
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| Artist's rendition of Culloden. Some feel the depiction of the Highlanders relied on stereotypes. Source: wikipedia |
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| The Duke of Montagu, Bradstreet's friend, source: wikipedia |
by Judith Arnopp
I first came across Marguerite while I was at university where I was struck by her unjust legacy. I spent many years researching and writing about Marguerite’s contemporary, Margaret Beaufort, who similarly fought for her son. The similarities only diverge when Margaret Beaufort triumphs and Marguerite’s hopes perish on Tewkesbury field.
Yorkist propaganda against Marguerite of Anjou begins early in her story and continues to affect our perception of her today. Polydore Vergil’s assessment of her character, taken from widespread Yorkist propaganda, echoes loudly in Shakespeare’s malevolent portrayal of the queen in his play ‘The True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York and the Good King Henry the Sixth’
‘She wolf of France but worse than the wolves of France,
whose tongue more poisons than the adder’s tooth!
How ill be-seeming is it in thy sex
To triumph like an Amazonian trull
Upon their woes who Fortune captivates!
But that thy face is vizard like, unchanging,
Made impudent with use of evil deeds,
I would assay, proud queen, to make thee blush.
To tell thee whence thy cam’st, of whom derived,
Were shame enough to shame thee, wert not shameless.’ (Act 1.4.112)
Sounds like a nice lady but my research revealed no monster but simply a queen determined to maintain her husband’s throne and to secure the inheritance of her son. But Marguerite was a foreigner, unhampered by the political restraint placed upon English women and that fact cast the first shadow over her life in England.
Marguerite came from a line of determined women; both her paternal grandmother Yolande of Aragon, and her mother, Isabelle of Lorraine were deeply involved in politics and championed the rights of their absent husbands, raised taxes and armies, administered the duchies and laid down policies. Both women impacted on Marguerite’s own experience after she became Queen of England. To Marguerite, on finding her crown at risk, there was only one thing she could do and that was fight.
During her early years as queen, Marguerite acted as a supporting, conciliatory presence behind the king, mainly confining her activities to matchmaking and obtaining positions at court for friends and servants. She used her influence to secure the surrender of Maine and Anjou and, although the pressure on her to comply is obvious to us now, the act did not endear her to her new subjects.
Her first real intercession into politics was during the Jack Cade rebellion when at her instigation Henry agreed to show leniency and issue a pardon to the rebels. The king’s preamble to the pardon illustrates Marguerite’s role in the matter.
‘Nevertheless, recalling to the reflection and consideration of our mind that among those virtues fitting and proper to the royal person and dignity, none befits him more than clemency, which is apt to bring about and put the shame of sinning in the minds of his subject people, and considering as well that it is fitting to show himself such a prince to his subjects as he wishes and desires God to be supreme and high Lord him, persuaded and moved by these and many other pious considerations, among others by the most humble and persistent supplications, prayers and requests of our most serene and beloved wife and consort the queen…we have pardoned…’
The lure of a pardon undermined Cade’s force and mention of Marguerite’s intercession allowed Henry to show leniency without appearing weak.
It is quite possible that had Henry not fallen ill, Marguerite’s supporting role would have continued but as his condition worsened and the threat from the Yorkist faction grew stronger, she had little option but to assume a more prominent position. The fluctuating health of the king meant that increasingly she governed beneath the cloak of Henry’s kingship, continuing to represent herself as subordinate to the king’s authority whilst, in fact, assuming increasing power.
During a lull in Henry’s illness Marguerite produced the king with an heir Edward, securing Lancaster’s position and dealing a blow to the ambitious Duke of York who was previously Henry’s heir. It is no coincidence that around this time propaganda against the queen increased, and York’s attempts to undermine Margaret’s authority picked up pace.
Some contemporary reports accuse the queen of sexual misconduct and her son, Edward, is described as a ‘changeling,’ a term which infers he was base born. Two days before York was removed from office on 23 February 1456 a John Helton was executed for distributing bills that alleged the prince was not the queen’s son.
As the enmity between York and Lancaster increased, the battle for power descended into military combat obliging Marguerite to step further and further from the expected feminine role. The nobles of England and their adherents were killed in skirmishes and battles, the reins of government passing from York to Henry (or Marguerite) but it was not until the Battle of Towton that the reign of Lancaster was all but ended and the new Yorkist dynasty arose.
York was dead and Edward IV was firmly on the throne, Marguerite could have faded into gentile retirement. The House of York’s vendetta against the deposed queen could have ceased. But poetry and pamphlets continued to be issued, denigrating both Marguerite and her claim to the throne. She was blamed for the fall of the Lancastrian dynasty and stereotyped as ‘an angry woman driven by malice, spreading sorrow, disorder and confusion in her wake.’
Marguerite, still refusing to admit defeat, spent the next ten years in exile, plotting to reinstate her son Edward. Her determination strong enough that when Warwick fell out with Edward IV, she formed an alliance with her great enemy and consented to a marriage between her son and Warwick’s youngest daughter, Anne.
It was a short lived alliance that ended for Warwick at Barnet, and for Marguerite at Tewkesbury where her seventeen year old son was killed, along with her ambition for the English throne.
But Yorkist propaganda continued, using a wide range of devices to defame Marguerite, making it difficult, even now, to obtain a clear view of her. Early historians picked up the Yorkist banner and continued to dehumanise her, subverting her female instinct to nurture into an unnatural lust for murder.
By the time Shakespeare wrote his Wars of the Roses plays Marguerite’s had already come to epitomise unrelieved lust for power possessing a ‘tigers heart wrapped in a woman’s hide.’ Her strength is undermined by her female flaws and she ‘lacks the true qualities of royalty...the queen’s character is also tainted by immorality: she is an adulteress. But it is power rather than lust which dominates her character, and vengefulness which becomes its most terrible flaw.’
In Henry VI part III her feminine weaknesses are replaced by the most ignoble of male attributes; she is masculine but akin to the worst of men. Shakespeare’s Marguerite is an arch-villainess whose femininity is inverted to encompass the direst human traits; her assumption of a male role and her lust for blood and revenge reverses the natural order and creates chaos in the realm.
In the hands of the bard, Marguerite is a marvellous authorial depiction of twisted humanity and as a playwright Shakespeare remains unchallenged but a historian he was not. Unfortunately, Shakespeare’s history plays came to be utilised not as examples of literary genius but as factual documents of history.
In the 1840’s Agnes Strickland published her Lives of the Queens of England and viewed Marguerite’s story ‘...of more powerful of interest than are to be found in the imaginary career of any heroine of romance; for the creations of fiction, however forcibly they may appeal to our imagination, fade into insignificance before the simple majesty of truth.’
Like other Victorian moralists, Strickland provides a highly romanticised picture of an unfortunate queen who unwisely meddled in the concerns of men. Marguerite becomes pitiful in her defeat but Strickland, by illustrating her utter personal defeat and regret, upholds the medieval opinion of a woman’s proper place.
‘There is something touching in the very simplicity of the Latin sentence with which the deed begins, that was wrung from the broken-hearted heroine who had, through so many storms of adversity, defended the rights of her royal consort and son. While they remained in life, she would have died a thousand deaths rather than relinquish even the most shadowy of their claims; but the dear ones were no more,
‘Ambition, pride, the rival names
of York and Lancaster,
with all their long contested claims
what were they then to her?
Passively and almost with indifference, Margaret subscribed the instrument commencing ‘Ego, Margarita dum in regno Anglia maritata etc. I, Margaret, formerly in England married, renounce all that I could pretend to in England by the conditions of my marriage, with all other things there, to Edward, now king of England.’
J. J. Bagley in his biography of Marguerite written in 1948 provides a less romantic presentation. Bagley admits that Marguerite ‘did not cause the Wars of the Roses, but her intense, bitter feeling, her refusal to compromise, and her disregard of any other factor than the inheritance of her only son were reflected in the brutal, callous nature of the prolonged struggle. For the sake of its own cause and for the welfare of the English people, the house of Lancaster might have wished for a wiser and more understanding leader, but nowhere could it have found a braver and more determined champion. Queen Margaret’s life was more than a sad story. It was a true tragedy, for the root cause of her failure lay, not in the fickle fate of battles, but in her own character and philosophy.’
In Bagley’s opinion, the Lancastrian cause could not have wished for a braver leader but perhaps one less swayed by dangerous female characteristics such as loyalty to her son and a determination to maintain a hold on his birthright.
Richard, Duke of York was equally ambitious for his sons and fought just as fiercely for what he saw as his own rights and, moreover, he fought against an anointed king.
Marguerite was trying to defend the throne of England against attack, as was her duty.
Historical research in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has focused on the study of women and how women have exercised power; gendered analysis has allowed historians to move away from the traditional perception of queens. Modern scholars look at the restrictions placed upon them and how those limitations impinged upon their political lives. Marguerite pushed the boundaries of her engendered position; faced with the insurmountable problem of an inefficient consort she was forced to take unpopular actions and has since been judged accordingly.
Other people have campaigned for thrones, overthrown kings and taken power from weak or incompetent rulers and (with the exception of Richard III) have not been recorded historically as unnatural monsters; the only difference is that they were men.
Marguerite posed a threat to male rule that the medieval world was unprepared to accept. A woman out of her prescribed place was deemed ‘unnatural’ and any divergence from the norm considered suspect and therefore dangerous. Rosaldo clarifies the point in his book Women, Culture and Society,
‘Societies that define woman as lacking legitimate authority have no way of acknowledging the reality of female power. This difference between rule and reality is reflected in our own society when we speak of powerful women as ‘bitches.’’
Marguerite’s determination and indefatigable resolve to win back her son’s throne was only exhausted by his death. In a man such tenacity would be heroic. She has been labelled a violent and vengeful woman but surely she was no more so than her male opponents. The unique circumstances in which she found herself made it impossible to follow prescribed gender boundaries while her opponents remained unfettered.
Hostile propaganda, perpetuated by male playwrights and Victorian moralists, remains in our consciousness today. Every day on social media I hear derogatory comments against Marguerite and her contemporary, Margaret Beaufort, but medieval history cannot be judged from a modern perspective and it does nobody any favours to perpetuate the misogyny of the past.
As was my intention in The Beaufort Chronicle which traces the life of Margaret Beaufort, my novel, Marguerite: Hell Hath No Fury is my own poor attempt to rectify the flawed perception of a brave woman.
~~~~~
Judith Arnopp – Author Biography
A lifelong history enthusiast and avid reader, Judith holds a BA in English/Creative writing and a Masters in Medieval Studies. She lives on the coast of West Wales where she writes both fiction and non-fiction. She is best known for her novels set in the Medieval and Tudor period, focussing on the perspective of historical women but recently she has written a trilogy from the perspective of Henry VIII himself.
Judith is also a founder member of a re-enactment group called The Fyne Companye of Cambria which is when and why she began to experiment with sewing historical garments. She now makes clothes and accessories both for the group and others. She is not a professionally trained sewer but through trial, error and determination has learned how to make authentic looking, if not strictly historically accurate clothing. A non-fiction book about Tudor clothing, How to Dress like a Tudor, was published in 2023 by Pen and Sword.
She runs a small seaside holiday let in Aberporth and when she has time for fun, likes to garden and restore antique doll’s houses. You can find her on most social media platforms.
Her novels include:
A Song of Sixpence: the story of Elizabeth of York
The Beaufort Chronicle: the life of Lady Margaret Beaufort (three book series)
The Henrician Chronicle: comprising of:
A Matter of Conscience: Henry VIII, the Aragon Years (Book One of The Henrician Chronicle)
A Matter of Faith: Henry VIII, the Days of the Phoenix (Book Two of The Henrician Chronicle)
A Matter of Time: Henry VIII, the Dying of the Light (Book Three of The Henrician Chronicle)
The Kiss of the Concubine: a story of Anne Boleyn
The Winchester Goose: at the court of Henry VIII
Intractable Heart: the story of Katheryn Parr
Sisters of Arden: on the Pilgrimage of Grace
The Heretic Wind: the life of Mary Tudor, Queen of England
Peaceweaver
The Forest Dwellers
The Song of Heledd
The Book of Thornhold
A Daughter of Warwick: the story of Anne Neville, Queen of Richard III
Marguerite: Hell Hath No Fury!
Webpage: http://www.judithmarnopp.com
Amazon Author Page: author.to/juditharnoppbooks
Blog: www.juditharnoppnovelist.blogspot.co.uk/
Social media links
https://www.facebook.com/thetudorworldofjuditharnopp
https://www.threads.net/@tudor_juditharnopp
Illustrations via WikimediaCommons
Fig 1 - John Talbot, 1st Earl of Shrewsbury, presents the Book of Romances to Margaret of Anjou, Queen to Henry VI
Fig 2 - Portrait of Marguerite of Anjou (1430 -1482) Queen Consort of England
Fig 3 - John Gilbert - Margaret of Anjou taken prisoner after the battle of Tewkesbury (1875)
Fig 4 - Richard Burchett (1815-1875) - Sanctuary (Edward IV and Lancastrian Fugitives at Tewkesbury Abbey) - 600 - Guildhall Art Gallery
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Portrait of Tavernier in Persian dress, given to him in 1665 by the King of Persia Pubic domain |
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| The Hope Diamond Public domain |
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| Public domain Poster for the American film serial The Hope Diamond Mystery (1921) with Grace Darmond. |